I have just returned from Saudi Arabia where I attended an
international conference on terrorism (April 20-22) at the Imam
Muhammad University in Riyadh, the global headquarters of
Wahhabism.
Imam Muhammad University is the factory where Wahhabism is
produced and serviced in Saudi Arabia. A large number of Saudi
clerics are educated and trained here. Nearly twenty thousand
students study the core teachings of Abdul Wahhab, the founder
of the Saudi Salafi movement, which is sometimes pejoratively
(and often popularly) referred to as Wahhabi.
In my previous in visits in1992, 1997 and 2000, I had found the
Saudis to be proud of what they had become. They had covered a
distance of nearly seven centuries on the back of oil in less
than thirty years. They were arrogant and cocky about their
place in the Muslim world and on the global stage.
That seems to have changed. While some are belligerent, even
bellicose, most appear confused, unsure, hesitant, apologetic
and willing to accommodate. The latter category is everywhere:
students, political elite, scholars, businessmen, professionals
and even cab drivers. They are perplexed by acts of terrorism
within Saudi Arabia and perpetrated by Saudis.
For a society, which was so remarkably free from a culture of
self-criticism, I found today’s Saudi Arabia more willing to
listen. That is the good news I have.
The conference itself revealed the extent and depth of
rethinking taking place within Saudi Arabia. I was extremely
critical of Wahhabism as well as Saudi policies in closed-door
sessions and found the Saudi scholars and the various ministers
who were in attendance, open and willing to listen; sometimes
they agreed, sometimes they appeared baffled, but never
offended. Some even encouraged me to speak more.
There were of course the usual number of sycophants and
apologists, but even they seemed apprehensive and willing to
question their own beliefs. Several American and British
scholars criticized the lack of critical thinking and openness
in Saudi education and we were all pleasantly surprised when the
Saudis responded by asking for help in introducing critical
thinking in their pedagogy.
I ran into a member of the Majlis-e-Shura (the Saudi pretense
for a parliament) at a TV studio where I recorded a one-hour
interview on Islamic democracy. He berated me for not being more
critical than I was! I listened to him lambast the university
and Wahhabi clerics for being the source of the problem behind
terrorism in Saudi Arabia. “All they teach,” he said, “is
to hate those who are different.” “We are a country that is
economically in the twentieth century and intellectually in the
fourteenth century.” I advised him to speak to his country and
King as he spoke to me, as often as possible and as loudly as
possible.
The House of Saud has long relied on the Wahhabi movement for
domestic control and legitimacy and on the United States for
international security. But after September 11th, these two
allies of Saudi Arabia are being perceived as antagonistic. The
House of Saud cannot have both as allies anymore.
It is now becoming apparent that the House of Saud has chosen
America over Wahhabism. It is determined to maintain its
relations with the US and is actively seeking to reform
Wahhabism and reconstitute the domestic basis of its rule.
The Saudi society is composed of two types of elite, the
conservative-religious and the liberal-political/economic. For
decades the latter has focused on retaining political power and
exploiting the black gold. In exchange for freedom to become
rich, this elite allowed the religious-conservative elite the
freedom to preach. Without a culture of internal criticism,
without an engaging alternate elite, without the emergence of
self-critical and reflective voices within the religious
establishment, the spectre of Wahhabism has grown and now is out
of the hands of those who nurtured it.
Wahhabi ideas are now so deeply embedded that neither the ruling
elite, who had abdicated their normative responsibilities until
now, and the religious elite who are afraid of what they have
created, can rein it in. Any attempts at sudden reforms may
upset the delicate balance within the society and empower those
who have decided to use terrorism to replace both types of
elite.
Saudi Arabia needs to push both social and political reforms
without undermining domestic and regional stability. It must
fast-track its social reform and maintain a steady progress
towards political reform. The promise of municipal elections
must be kept and the momentum towards more representative and
accountable governance must be sustained.
It is time that Saudi Arabia stopped looking backwards for
guidance and started looking forwards. Those who drive by
looking in the rear-view mirror only are destined to crash.
Terrorism by extreme Wahhabis, for whom the clerics and the
royal family are not sufficiently Islamic, is once again forging
a new social contract between the religious and the ruling
elite. This time the House of Saud and the House of Abdul Wahhab
will not come together to establish Wahhabism, but to dismantle
Wahhabism and replace it with a self-critical, open, more
moderate, and softer form of Salafi tradition.
But before that can happen, the moderates within the religious
establishment must prevail over the extremists and be prepared
to make significant compromises — maybe even deviations — in
the Wahhabi doctrine and in Wahhabi institutions. The extremists
will then be isolated and can be fought both in the realm of
doctrine as well as on the battlefield.
The staging of the terrorism conference at the Imam Muhammad
University and the seriousness of the dialogue, its high degree
of openness and criticism, have definitely raised expectations.
Let us hope that Saudi Arabia can make the transition without
trauma.
[Reprinted with
permission.]
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Dr.
Muqtedar Khan is a non-resident fellow at Brookings Institution.
He is also the Chair, Political Science, at Adrian College in
Michigan. He is the author of American Muslims: Bridging Faith
and Freedom (Amana, 2002) and his website is www.ijtihad.org