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Interview
With
Saudi
Foreign
Minister
Prince
Saud
al-Faisal
Washington
Post columnist
David
Ignatius's
interview
with
Prince
Saud
al-Faisal,
Saudi
Foreign
Minister,
on March
9, 2003
--
Click
here
for a complete
transcript.
Excerpt:
Ignatius:
The US
Saudi
relationship
has
endured
for many
decades,
but it
has been
through
a
terrible
period
in the
last 18
months.
Where do
you see
this
relationship
in the
future?
What
kind of
relationship
do you
see,
five or
ten
years
from
now, in
terms of
US
military
presence
and
other
factors?
Al-Faisal:
Well,
the
relationship
has been
a
historic
relationship,
and
perhaps
one
reason
for all
the
questions
now here
and in
the
United
States
is that
we have
taken
this
relationship,
both
sides,
for
granted.
We have
had
excellent
relations,
but we
never
really
talked
to each
other or
thought
of each
other.
Perhaps
having
differing
interests
in some
issues
and
different
priorities
in other
issues,
but on
the
whole,
there
were no
major
issues
of
differences
in the
past.
Then
there
developed
a
difference
about
pursuing
Middle
East
peace.
This was
prior to
9/11. We
thought
the US
has
promised
as the
major
contributor
to peace
in our
region
gave a
promise
to
pursue
this
policy-remember
the
Madrid
Conference
[in
1991]--that
it would
pursue
this
policy
until
peace
was
established.
Then
changes
that
happened
in
Israel
and the
policy
of the
Likud
government
of
blocking
the
promises
about
peace.
They
broke
all the
treaties
that
they had
with the
Palestinians
and they
took
what you
call the
iron-fisted
policy
towards
the
Palestinians
and
there
was an
impression
created
in the
Middle
East
that the
United
States
was not
active
enough
to
prevent
this
violence
against
the
Palestinians.
And
the
issue of
double
standards
was
raised:
The
Israelis
are
allowed
to build
settlements
when the
United
States
is
against
settlements;
they
were
able to
use
[against
the
Palestinians]
weapons
the US
gave
them as
aid,
despite
law they
couldn't
be used
against
peaceful
populations;
that it
began to
go
against
every
particular
policy
of the
United
States
that had
restrained
Israel.
Its
position
with
Israel,
keeping
Israel
supplied
with
arms,
keeping
it
strong
defense-was
coupled
in the
past
with
important
checks
on how
Israel
can act
and how
it can
proceed
with the
help the
United
States
has
given
it. This
seems to
have
shifted,
where
there
are no
longer
checks
on
Israel
that
existed
before.
Remember
President
Eisenhower
forced
Israel,
Britain
and
France
to
withdraw
from
Egyptian
territory;
President
Reagan
refused
to allow
the
building
of
settlements;
President
Bush
stopped
aid to
Israel
if it
did not
pursue
peace
according
to its
commitments
in
Madrid.
The
perception
began to
appear
that all
these
checks
have
been
removed
by the
United
States
and that
Israel
was
given a
free
hand to
act as
it does.
These
are
perceptions.
Whether
they are
true or
not, in
the
final
analysis
it is
the
perception
that is
important.
In any
case,
the
violence
that was
perpetrated
by ...
the
Israelis,
unchecked
by the
United
States,
kept
building
up, and
this was
what
created
the
public
opinion,
which is
now
being
seen in
its
frankness
because
of the
new
openness
in Saudi
Arabia.
This is
a shock
to some
Americans.
After
9/11,
propaganda
was
built
against
Saudi
Arabia
in the
media,
[based
on]
longstanding
misconceptions
about
the
society,
misconceptions
about
the
people:
The man
with the
petrodollar
who
doesn't
know
what to
do with
his
money;
images
of the
Arab
walking
around
with 50
or 60 in
a harem
behind
him.
These
comic
impressions
of the
Arab
were
coupled
with
what
happened
on 9/11,
and they
established
a public
opinion
basis
that
created
the
suspicion
... that
exists
now.
These
are the
elements
I think
that
have
caused
this new
questioning
in our
relationship.
But
also
9/11 has
created
another
trend
inside
the
United
States,
which is
understandably
very
tense
about
its
security,
that
threatens
this
human
and
personal
relationship
more
than
anything
else.
The
intenseness
of the
security
measure
taken
are
preventing,
for
instance,
students
from
studying
in the
United
States-making
it
uncomfortable
for
Arabs in
general
and
Muslims
to stay
in the
United
States.
[These
measures]
are
adding
to the
misunderstanding
and
tension,
understandable
though
they
are.
So
the
moral of
the
story
now is
that
both
countries
must
take
stock of
what
happened.
The
basics
of the
importance
of the
relationship
for both
countries
are
there.
We will
rely on
the
United
States
for many
things,
as
friends
and as
partners
in many
issues
on which
we see
eye to
eye. The
United
States
relies
on this
region's
countries
for many
things-you
mentioned
oil, of
course,
and
other
elements.
Saudi
Arabia
remains
a
stabilizing
country
in the
region,
whatever
is said
about
our
level of
democratization,
we are
stabilizing
forces
in the
region
with a
stable
society.
So the
basics
of the
relationship
are
there.
It is
how both
governments
will be
able to
work to
safeguard
this
relationship
and
build on
it and
perhaps
remove
the
misconceptions
that
exist
here and
there of
each
other
that
have
been
building
up over
the
past...
ALSO
SEE:
"The
American-Saudi
Arabian
Relationship:
A
Briefing
by HRH
Prince
Saud Al
Faisal,
Minister
of
Foreign
Affairs,"
by John
Duke
Anthony
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