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Editor's
Note:
This
essay also appeared in Arab
News
on November 17, 2003.
Riyadh:
Rooting Out Al Qaeda
By Edward S. Walker and Wyche
Fowler
Middle East Institute
At
midnight on Saturday [Nov. 8],
suicide bombers careened into a
residential area, killing 17 and
wounding over 100 others,
mainly women and children. The
perpetrators were from Al Qaeda or
one of its affiliates. The victims
were largely Arab, not Israeli or
Western. The timing was
deliberate, as always, and struck
just as families were crowding the
streets to attend Ramadan dinners
that often last into the early
morning. The target of the attack
was America's long-time ally Saudi
Arabia. The goal is unchanged:
drive out all Western and foreign
influences in order to weaken the
country economically, undermine
the House of Saud and ultimately
establish a radical, Islamic state
that has more in common with the
14th century than the 21st.
| In
this campaign, the
radical Islamists have
found odd bedfellows:
neoconservatives,
liberals and otherwise
moderate pundits who
emphasize the negatives
and fail to acknowledge
that progress is being
made. US-educated
Saudis, including women,
many of whom spent a
decade or more studying
and working here, have
told me that they are
distraught to find
Americans falling into
the trap set-out by
Usama bin Laden and his
cronies : to drive a
wedge between Washington
and Riyadh that could
destabilize the latter,
leaving the door open
for extremists to step
in and take
charge. |
"...radical
Islamists have
found odd bedfellows:
neoconservatives,
liberals
and otherwise moderate
pundits who emphasize
the negatives and fail
to acknowledge that
progress
is being made..."
|
Since
1945, the U.S. has maintained a
strong, strategic partnership with
this conservative, Muslim nation.
The Kingdom worked closely with us
over many years to confront and
defeat communism. It is also the
only oil-producer in the world
that has the 'spare capacity' that
can protect our economy. And at
the request of successive
generations of American
Secretaries of Energy, Secretaries
of State and Presidents it has
employed its reserve in times of
crisis. One of those times was on
September 12, 2001.
| Let's
be clear on Al Qaeda's
goals. First and
foremost is not the
liberation of Palestine.
Usama bin Laden picked
up the Palestinian cause
as a marketing and
recruiting ploy, not a
genuine campaign.
Instead, Al Qaeda is
intent on the overthrow
of the House of Saud. It
seeks control over the
holiest cities of Islam,
Mecca and Medina, the
site of recent
shoot-outs and
self-immolations, the
work of its adherents.
Its motive is to replace
the existing government
and lifestyle with an
ultra Islamic regime
that is reminiscent of
the Taliban, and has
nothing in common with
the current reform
programs of the
Kingdom's rulers.
Finally, it would
harness Saudi oil
resources as a strategic
weapon in the war
against the West. |
"First
and foremost...Al Qaeda is intent on
the overthrow of the
House of Saud...Finally, it would
harness Saudi oil resources as a strategic weapon in
the war against the West."
|
America's
sin was that we got in the way of
this dream. We provided strategic
protection and a stabilizing
presence in Saudi Arabia during
the first war in Iraq, a war that
Usama had lobbied to fight with
his victorious Afghan Arab
fighters. King Fahd refused,
instead accepting an international
coalition led by the US. So Usama
and his Egyptian strategists
turned on us. They handpicked a
group of Saudi foot soldiers to
carry out the attacks on the
Pentagon and the World Trade
Center with the aim of alienating
two longstanding allies.
Osama
had it right. His tactic has
created tension in the
relationship, led to the withdraw
of US troops from Saudi Arabia,
one of his 'campaign pledges,' and
conveyed to the Islamic world the
message that the U.S. is hostile
not only to Saudis but all
Muslims.
The
fact is that President Bush
understands the stakes, and the
national security interests vested
in a strong US-Saudi relationship.
They may disagree with us on
foreign policy; we may disagree
with them on domestic policy. But
those are signs of strength, not
weakness, in our alliance. Enemies
do not have a strategic dialogue;
allies do.
In
his speech on Thursday [Nov. 6],
President Bush defied the angry
rhetoric of some of his closest
advisors in favor of mild praise
for Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah.
"The Saudi government is
taking first steps toward reform,
including a plan for gradual
introduction of elections. By
giving the Saudi people a greater
role in their own society, the
Saudi government can demonstrate
true leadership in the
region."
There's
much more he could have said. The
call for elections actually
stemmed from an exceptional
"National Unity" meeting
of members of all Muslim sects,
professionals as well as
academics, in the Kingdom under
the Crown Prince's patronage. In a
frank discussion of the Kingdom's
future, these individuals pressed
hard for -- and won -- elections
for the parliamentary body, the
Shura Council, whose members now
serve by royal appointment.
| President
Bush could have added
that almost two years
ago, the Crown Prince
took the lead in the
peace process,
challenging
rejectionists by calling
on Arab states to pledge
recognition and
acceptance of Israel
under conditions of
peace. In March 2002,
his initiative won
unanimous support at the
Arab Summit in Beirut.
The President could have
mentioned the launch of
a human rights
organization and a press
association in Saudi
Arabia in the past six
months. He might have
added that women can now
practice law and open
their own firms in the
Kingdom. He could have
included the fact that
the Crown Prince
relieved almost 2,000
Imams from their duties
because of their extreme
rhetoric. And he could
have talked about the
Kingdom's establishment
of financial controls
for donations to Islamic
charities both inside
and outside the kingdom,
including a joint effort
with the US Treasury
Department. |
"The
road ahead will
be perilous for all
concerned. The focus
should be on finding
common cause..."
|
Too
bright a spotlight could galvanize
opposition and halt progress. But
we commend President Bush for
encouraging those who are making
progress toward representative
government in the region. The road
ahead will be perilous for all
concerned. The focus should be on
finding common cause with
reformers, whether royals or
commoners, not with the
extremists.
Ambassador
Wyche Fowler, Jr.,
Chairman, Middle East
Institute |
Ambassador
Fowler, a former U.S.
Senator (D-Ga.), was
ambassador to Saudi
Arabia from 1996 to
2001. He
previously served in the
U.S. Senate, 1986-1993,
as a member of the
Senate Appropriations,
Budget, Energy and
Agriculture Committees.
Fowler was elected to
the U.S. House of
Representatives in 1977;
member of the Ways and
Means and Foreign
Affairs Committees, the
Committee of
Intelligence, and the
Congressional Arts
Caucus. He practiced law
in Atlanta for eight
years prior to election.
Fowler is an expert on
Saudi Arabia and Middle
East affairs. |
Ambassador
Edward S. Walker
President, Middle
East Institute |
Ambassador
Edward S. Walker was the
Assistant Secretary of
State for Near Eastern
Affairs from
1999-2001. He
previously served as
Ambassador to Israel,
the Arab Republic of
Egypt, and the United
Arab Emirates, and
Deputy Permanent
Representative to the
United Nations.
Walker also served as
the Deputy Chief of
Mission in Saudi Arabia
and in political and
economic and training
functions in Lebanon,
Syria, and Tunisia.
He developed the
Economic Reform program
for Egypt with the Vice
President's office while
serving as US Ambassador
to Egypt. He also
managed the build-up of
US forces in the United
Arab Emirates and
directed coordination
with the UAE armed
forces during the Gulf
war. Walker
negotiated the Western
Sahara issue with the
Moroccan King and
Algerian President in
coordination with former
Secretary of State James
Baker. Walker's
background includes
extensive travel, study
and working experience
since 1969 in Middle
East and North African
political, military,
energy, economic reform
and trade issues. |
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