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The
Saudi-American Forum
wishes to thank Dr.
Gause for permission
to share this
important
contribution to the
dialogue on US-Saudi
relations with you.
This paper was
originally published
by the Brookings
Institution, Saban
Center for Middle
East Policy.
"The
Approaching Turning
Point: The Future of
U.S. Relations with
the Gulf
States" is
being provided to
Saudi-American Forum
members via email in
weekly serials due
to the length of the
report. A
complete version is
posted to the Saudi-American
Forum library.
|
The
Approaching Turning Point:
The Future of U.S. Relations
with the Gulf States
by F. Gregory Gause, III
Executive
Summary
United
States policy toward the
Gulf Cooperation Council
states (Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the
United Arab Emirates and
Oman) is in the midst of an
important change. Saudi
Arabia has served as the
linchpin of American
military and political
influence in the Gulf since
Desert Storm. It can no
longer play that role. After
the attacks of September 11,
2001, an American military
presence in the kingdom is
no longer sustainable in the
political system of either
the United States or Saudi
Arabia. Washington therefore
has to rely on the smaller
Gulf monarchies to provide
the infrastructure for its
military presence in the
region. The build-up toward
war with Iraq has
accelerated that change,
with the Saudis unwilling to
cooperate openly with
Washington on this issue. No
matter the outcome of war
with Iraq, the political and
strategic logic of basing
American military power in
these smaller Gulf states is
compelling.
In
turn, Saudi-American
relations need to be
reconstituted on a basis
that serves the shared
interests of both states,
and can be sustained in both
countries' political
systems. That requires an
end to the basing of
American forces in the
kingdom. The fall of Saddam
Hussein will facilitate this
goal, allowing the removal
of the American air wing in
Saudi Arabia that patrols
southern Iraq. The public
opinion benefits for the
Saudis of the departure of
the American forces will
permit a return to a more
normal, if somewhat more
distant, cooperative
relationship with the United
States. However, important
difficulties remain to be
addressed in the
relationship.
| Those
who contend that the
Saudi-US
relationship can
continue as it has
are misreading
political realities
in both countries.
However, those in
the United States
who argue that the
Saudis should be
viewed not as a
strategic partner,
but as an enemy, do
not offer a
practical
alternative for
American policy.
Their course means
giving up the
influence that a
decades-long
relationship
provides with a
government that
controls 25 percent
of the world's known
oil reserves and
that can play a
central
role—positive or
negative—in
political and
ideological trends
in the Muslim world.
They can offer no
guarantee that any
successor regime in
Arabia would be more
amenable to American
interests. |
Those
who contend that the
Saudi-US
relationship can
continue as it has
are misreading
political
realities in both
countries.
|
The
American agenda with Saudi
Arabia should concentrate on
those foreign policy issues
where Riyadh's cooperation
is essential for American
interests. These include:
oil policy, regional
stability and the Saudi role
in the larger Muslim world,
both in terms of practical
"war on terrorism"
issues, like intelligence
sharing and terrorist
financing, and a more active
Saudi role in delegitimizing
the bin Ladenist
interpretation of Islam.
Washington should not
involve itself overtly in
sensitive domestic political
issues in Saudi Arabia, like
women's rights or the role
of the religious
establishment. The scrutiny
that the Saudis have
received in the U.S. since
the September 11th attacks
has played an important role
in spurring self-examination
and indications of reform in
Riyadh. Both official and
private Americans should
continue to stress important
reform issues for Saudi
Arabia.
A
key realization, however, is
that any reform program with
a
"made-in-America"
stamp on it will lead to a
backlash within Saudi
Arabia. Efforts to broaden
political participation need
to come from Saudi leaders,
not from Washington, in
order to be credible and
acceptable in Saudi society.
Washington must also realize
that elections in Saudi
Arabia will yield
representative bodies more
anti-American than the
current regime, and
complicate American-Saudi
relations. In terms of Saudi
domestic politics, the
United States can more
directly and openly push the
Saudis to move on economic
reforms aimed at increasing
transparency, lessening
corruption and increasing
the job prospects of the
burgeoning Saudi youth
population.
| The
smaller Gulf states
are better able to
manage the political
consequences of an
American military
presence than is
Saudi Arabia. The
same logic that made
them the centerpiece
of British Gulf
strategy for 150
years still remains
today. However, with
its increasing
reliance upon them,
the United States
must avoid the
fallacy that it can
simply recreate the
British role in the
Gulf of a past
colonial age. With
better-educated and
more politically
aware populations,
these smaller states
cannot be viewed
simply as
protectorates. The
United States role
needs to be
minimally acceptable
in local public
opinion. This will
depend enormously on
how overall American
policy is viewed
there on larger
issues in the Arab
and Muslim worlds,
particularly the
Arab-Israeli
conflict. |
The
smaller Gulf states
are better able to
manage
the political
consequences
of an American
military presence
than is
Saudi Arabia.
|
In
these new political
circumstances, the United
States must also avoid the
temptation to play an
overtly imperial role of
direct intervention in local
politics, such as in ruling
family factional squabbles.
Changes imposed from the
outside, no matter how well
intentioned, are likely to
misread local realities and
to engender a local
backlash. With this strategy
in place, the U.S. will be
far better prepared to
weather the upcoming turning
point in U.S.-GCC relations.
"The Approaching
Turning Point: The Future of
U.S. Relations with the Gulf
States" is being
provided to Saudi-American
Forum members via email in
weekly serials due to the
length of the report.
A complete version is posted
to the Saudi-American
Forum library.
|